AL-GHORBA

Occupied Palestine (Nablus)

On November 15 of each year, PEN launches its solidarity campaign under the title “The Imprisoned Writer’s Day”, in which it sheds light on the cases of writers imprisoned or facing trial, and through which it calls for urgent international action to release and protect them. These cases symbolize --that We highlight-- the patterns of threats and attacks that writers and journalists around the world are often subjected to as a result of their peaceful practices of freedom expression.”

The previous paragraph topped the international campaign launched by the "PEN International" to advocate for imprisoned writers around the world for the current year 2021 under the title "Prisoner Writer's Day 2021". It targeted in its campagine the writers “Selahattin Demirtas” on Tuesday 15 November - Tuesday 16 November, Rahil Daut - Wednesday 17 November, a collective case of 12 Eritrean writers - Thursday 18 November, and Mohamed Al-Roken - Friday 19 November. Al-Roken imprisoned in the United Arab Emirates is the only Arab writer in this campaign.

There are many writers imprisoned by Arab regimes in all parts of the Arab world, and there is no Arab prison without a writer, poet or journalist. The Arab countries have turned into a place where the writer is humiliated, and becomes either fired, exiled, or imprisoned or becomes a domesticated sheep devoured by the regime, then turned into nothing but a daily hypocrisy trumpet who broadcasts its nonsense in newspapers and magazines in glorifying the Arab dictator. In other cases he turns to prevarication or to silence. In all of which are cases that the Arab regime bears its burden in the life of the Arab writer.

Perhaps what the Arab writer is exposed to especially in the Arab “slaughterhouses of death” is enough for the International PEN Organization to start a special campaign to introduce these “forgotten” people in Arab prisons, although these campaigns, if they happen, will not be acceptable to the Arab regimes, and will be completely ignored. The Arab dictatorial regime, in all its actions, is protected from the Western regime and so it is safe and reassuring, and this regime will consider these campaigns useless, passing matter and deserve nothing. Nevertheless, none of the governmental organization dares to stand with them and adopt their causes. Many writers died in Egyptian prisons under the pretext of combating terrorism and the Brotherhood’s tide, and some of them are still living in very difficult conditions inside the prisons of the Egyptian regime. Silence is applied to their status and names, no one talks about them.

This is what concerns the Arab countries and Arab writers, but in occupied Palestine, the matter is more horrific, and the writer is not only imprisoned in the prisons of the Palestinian Authority, which brutally suppresses freedom of expression with the help of a number of opportunistic utilitarian intellectuals who turned into hypocritical “ewes”, defending the authority and its actions against the writers. At the same time, none of the Palestinian non-governmental organization defending these writers or adopting their causes, neither the Palestinian Writers Union nor the local human rights institutions, or there are human rights campaigns led by independent intellectuals, not to mention the silence of the Ministry of Culture and the official media, because of being part of the Palestinian Authority. This situation is more or less the same as what is happening in Gaza, where the authority in the besieged strip sticks its sharp nails into the bodies and souls of writers, and they are attacked with beatings as well, just as it happens in the West Bank.

The cruelest thing in occupied Palestine is what is happening inside the prisons of the Zionist occupation. The occupation has taken a clear strategy against all writers who engage in the culture of resistance and call for liberation and the right of self-determination, and to fight against the occupation and get rid of it and its evil. As a result I can say that, all Palestinian writers have gone through the experience of detention in the prisons of the Zionist occupation since 1948 until today, and other additional measures were applied to Palestinian writers such as house arrest, dismissal from work, travel ban, deportation, confiscation of books, and sabotage of public and private libraries, inspecting school books, punishing anyone who has a book that the occupation has placed on its blacklist, restricting the entry of books into the occupied territories of Palestine, and preventing the holding of cultural seminars that do not fit what the authorities or the military ruler thinking.

Perhaps the International PEN does not know that there are currently dozens of writers in the prisons of the Zionist occupation on whom the occupation authorities have imposed high sentences. Hundreds of years will be spent by writers or even after death, if they happen to die in prison. The “corpse” must spend the full term, The sentence does not end with death. Does PEN know that?

Does the International PEN know that these imprisoned writers, along with thousands of Palestinian prisoners, are deprived of basic human rights inside prisons, as they are subjected to unjustified beatings, and to confiscation of their personal belongings, books, notebooks, pens and drafts of their writings, and are subjected to isolation and imprisonment without trial, under the title of the secret file, some of them are in open prison sentences time under the heading of "administrative detention"?

Does PEN know that thousands of books written by writers in prisons, have been destroyed, confiscated and prevented from mentioning its writers, under the pretext that they are serious “terrorist acts” that incite “violence”? Does the International PEN know that there are female writers in Zionist prisons who were arrested because of their “inciting” writings, as the occupation authorities claim, as it happened in Jerusalem, and it happened in other areas within the occupied areas under the authorities since 1948?

Does the International PEN know that the occupation authorities impose imprisonment on every writer who refuses military service in the ranks of the so-called army, and is punished with a prison term of up to nine months. This happened with the poet Samih al-Qasim, with the poet Marzouk al-Halabi, the writer Saeed Nafaa, Osama Melhem and many others? And it will happen to every writer who refuses this kind of "compulsory conscription."

Does the International PEN know that the occupation authorities are demolishing entire villages and expelling their owners from them? Including the writer Sheikha Heliwa, who used to live in the Haifa area, and her village, Tail al-Araj, located on the outskirts of Haifa, was demolished. And now she lives outside her hometown. And her village is unrecognized. Does the International PEN know what the occupation authorities mean by this term “unrecognized” villages? It means that they are villages that must be removed as they are illegal, and the authorities do not provide them with water and electricity, and do not recognize the existence of an administrative authority for them (a municipality or a village council).

Does the International PEN know that every day a male or female writer is born inside the prisons of the occupation to tell the story of his arrest and imprisonment. After being abandoned by international and local laws, and waiting for a miracle to be liberated from the life of the “isthmus” in which he lives? These writers have no hope except what they make on paper, they work with the theory of "illusion of freedom", they believe or make themselves believe that when they write they are practicing the act of freedom or trying to escape from prison and escape outside the iron room. They are trained to live with emptiness no more than. In fact, freedom is their neglected demand. Who can support these writers? Who will raise their issues to be supported by their fellow writers around the world?

Finally, does the International PEN know that there are Palestinian writers imprisoned in the prisons of the Arab regimes in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as well, not just the writer Muhammad Al-Roken? In the belly of the whale there in Saudi Arabia is the poet Ashraf Fayyad and in the Emirates the poet Ramez Mansour whom nobody know about his destiny, he is missing, or he may have died, so there is no information about his health condition and his threatened life.

After all, the International PEN Organization must know that the Palestinian writer’s suffering is complex, from the Palestinian Authority, as an Arab regime, and from the occupation authorities and Arab regimes, and it must pay attention to these writers and their suffering in these prisons, which extend to more than twenty prisons at least.

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* Note: I am publishing this article to coincide with the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People on November 29, 2021.

The Hon. Shaoquett Moslemane brief contribution on the NSW government’s Covid -19 harshest treatment of Western Sydney. The people of South West and West of sydney, had the hardest lockdown throughout Australia at any time during the pandemic.

…..

Monday was truly Freedom day for the people of South West and Western Sydney. It is a day of relief. The Pandemic was not just a health crisis but for the people of Western Sydney it was an economic crisis and a political crisis as they suffered the full brunt of an ignorant NSW government and arrogant federal government. The Target was Western Sydney. Police compliance operations were stepped up and the noose around Western Sydney tightened.

The NSW Government imposition of curfews on Western Sydney LGAs they called areas of concern was another blow to communities brought down to their knees pleading for assistance as they struggled to pay their mortgage, pay rent and bills or put food on the table.

People in Western Sydney began to wonder why the ill treatment. Why were people in Eastern Sydney in their thousands flocking to the beaches with little regard for masks or social distancing free to enjoy the fresh air. This, while South West and Western Sydney, where there are no beaches, few pools, relatively few parks were the red danger zones,?

Why the difference in policy when the Delta disaster originated in Bondi and spread from Bondi, the Sydney’s East, Yet Bondi has never been an LGA of concern.

Why did Health Minister Brad Hazzard have no issue with beachgoer’s masklessness, not interested in fining them or discovering their vaccination status, while the people of Western Sydney suffer the sweltering heat, have their pools and Aquatic Centre closed. People rightly asked Why?

The lack of any curfew in the East intensified perceived partiality and that sense of injustice.

The Premier herself admitted the use of curfews did not have much of an impact on stopping the spread of COVID. So Why did the government persist with it?

What the NSW government needed to provide was extra financial support for individuals and businesses as many suffered losses in trade of up to 70 per cent.

West and South West Sydney have borne the brunt of restrictions - movement permits, curfews, heightened enforcement measures, forced business closures and the overwhelming number of COVID cases,” Yet minimal support was provided.

Shadow Treasurer Daniel Mookhey said unless there is urgent support, there is a real risk of long term negative impacts, and turning short term, temporary pain, into long term economic devastation.

This is why the opposition decided held a virtual roundtable with West and South West Sydney business and community leaders to discuss and hear first hand from those that mattered, what is needed to deliver meaningful economic recovery that will help people and business get back on their feet once lockdown and restrictions are lifted.

Deputy Liberal Leader, Stuart Ayres MP, admitted that his Government’s lockdown singled out and disproportionately impacted Western Sydney.

Well, we knew this and as our shadow Minister for Western Sydney, Greg Warren MP said: “The people of Western Sydney won’t forget how this Government treated them during this lockdown”.

The Hon. SHAOQUETT MOSELMANE (22:28):

Australia has a devastatingly violent and deadly history when it comes to the treatment of our Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Since 1788 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have been subject to incomprehensible atrocities, and have had their culture and their way of life almost eliminated. From the bloody onslaught at the time of British invasion right through to the inequality that continues to permeate society, First Nations people continue to be let down by our governments. Reconciliation Week 2021 offers an opportunity to pause and consider this harrowing past. In the past few decades there have been major historical milestones in Australia's journey to reconciliation. The 1967 Referendum saw 90.77 per cent of Australians vote "yes" when asked whether the Australian Government should be able to legislate on behalf of First Nations people and whether they should be included in the census. The historic Mabo decision that ruled that Australian land was not terra nullius at the time of colonisation led to the establishment of the Native Title Act in 1993.

In 2008 the then Prime Minister Kevin Rudd gave the Apology speech. Despite these advancements, Indigenous Australians continue to be over-represented in statistics of incarceration, health issues, low education and a plethora of other categories. This year, in 2021, the theme of reconciliation week is "More than a word. Reconciliation takes action." So what does active reconciliation look like? Karen Mundine, the CEO of Reconciliation Australia, stated:

Reconciliation isn't a single moment or place in time. It's lots of small, consistent steps, some big strides, and sometimes unfortunate backwards steps ...

This sentiment is reflected in the strategic direction of Reconciliation Australia. It has five pillars of reconciliation: race relations, equality and equity, institutional integrity, unity and, finally, historical acceptance. Each of these pillars aligns with a desired aim and action plan for one day achieving a reconciled nation. At the forefront of all of these is the need to amplify and prioritise First Nations voices in guiding these endeavours.

One way of achieving this is through the establishment of a treaty—a treaty that formalises the expectations of a relationship. Australia is the only Commonwealth nation to not have a treaty with its Indigenous population. It is widely believed that a treaty in Australia would address issues of sovereignty, land rights, shared power, the need for a guaranteed voice in government, recognition, ownership, reform and entitlements. Not only would the establishment of a treaty in Australia have these tangible impacts, which would contribute toward reconciliation; it would also be a symbolic gesture of the intent to change. Bob Hawke is fondly remembered by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people for his attempts to establish a treaty, which were ultimately hindered by resistance. Nevertheless, theBarunga Statement served as an important reminder that there was the potential for change in the appropriate political landscape.

More recently, in 2017, theUluru Statement from the Heart saw Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from across Australia come together in a historical moment of unification. The statement was a powerful call to action from the First Nations people to the Australian Government and population. The concluding statement in the document is:

In 1967 we were counted, in 2017 we seek to be heard. We leave base camp and start our trek across this vast country. We invite you to walk with us in a movement of the Australian people for a better future.

The main objective of the statement was to enact constitutional change that enshrined First Nations voices into Parliament. This action would ensure that First Nations people were involved in policymaking decisions that affected them. What theUluru Statement from the Heart highlighted was that the journey of reconciliation would be impossible if the voices of Australia's First Nations people are not included. To achieve a reconciled Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people will need to be given the platform, opportunity and legitimacy to guide and advise conversations about their experiences in this nation. The Victorian Government has paved the way through the recent adoption of the Advancing the Treaty Process with Aboriginal Victorians Bill 2018. It established the necessary framework for beginning the treaty-making process. If Victoria, South Australia and Northern Territory can start the process, why can't we?

The Hon. SHAOQUETT MOSELMANE (00:15): The Morrison Government's decision to block Australians returning from India is appalling. It is an outrageous dereliction of duty to one's citizens. No self‑respecting government would ditch its own citizens in the manner in which the Morrison Government has. It is a low act of cruelty and in breach of all civilised standards and international norms. I was not surprised to hear of this abominable, cruel decision taken by the Morrison Government. I remember the debate around bringing home Australians from China. The discussion rotated around dumping them hundreds of kilometres away from mainland Australia in detention centres on Christmas Island. The Federal Government is insulting to all Australians. Internationally, our name is mud.

Australians are a humane people. We care about others and we value all our citizens as Australians deserving protection. As Emeritus Professor of Medicine at UNSW, John Dwyer, argues in his article published on thePearls and Irritations platform, we have "a moral responsibility to get Australians home". About 9,000 Australians are in India, including 650 who are listed as "vulnerable". They need our help. We have a duty of care to them as Australians, as we have to all Australians in Australia and abroad. We all appreciate the need to tread carefully to ensure that all measures are taken to prevent the spread of a more aggressive strain of coronavirus taking foothold in Australia and prevent a third wave. We all agree on this. However, we must make decisions to ensure that the lives of all Australians are equally worthy of saving.

Instead of reaching out to Australians in India, the Morrison Government has threatened them with a $66,600 fine or a five‑year jail term if they attempt to enter Australia from India. Whilst the ban on travel from India is temporary and is due to expire on 15 May, the Government could decide to extend it. The truth is that no such measure had ever been applied by the Government to any other international COVID-19 hotspot. Former Race Discrimination Commissioner Tim Soutphommasane toldSBS News there has been "an inconsistency" with how the Federal Government has treated arrivals from different countries during the pandemic. He stated:

When COVID-19 was raging last year in the United States, the UK and in countries across Europe, we didn't see a ban on arrivals of people from Europe, let alone criminal penalties being threatened to Australian citizens seeking to return home.

The Australian Human Rights Commission, an independent government organisation, said officials must publicly justify the new policy and show it is not discriminatory. Justine Nolan, a law professor and the director of the Australian Human Rights Institute at UNSW, stated:

They have taken it to the extreme—not only closing the door, but adding the potential fines and jail …

I think we're not acting consistently with our international human rights obligations.

Australian citizen Mandeep Sharma is currently stuck in the Indian city of Kapurthala. He left Australia on 2 April to bury his father. Mr Sharma's return flight to Australia, scheduled for 7 May, was cancelled after the ban on flights from India was announced earlier in the week. He says the additional criminalisation measures are insulting. He toldSBS News:

In our hour of need, [the Australian government] has abandoned and betrayed us …

The Council of Indian Australians said there is a feeling in the Indian-Australian community that they have been unfairly targeted. The council's public officer Mohit Kumar stated:

It's a kick in the guts. It's un-Australian and it's unacceptable.

Federation of Indian Associations of NSW president, Yadu Singh, said some members of the diaspora have said they hoped the announcement was not part of any "racist dog whistling".

Australian barrister, human rights and refugee advocate Julian Burnside said he was "horrified" by the Government's move to ban Australian arrivals from India, while renowned human rights lawyer Geoffrey Robertson, QC, said the ban on Australians returning from India because of COVID-19 is unconstitutional and made under "dictatorial power", not approved by Parliament and undermined rule of law. Former test cricket opener Michael Slater, who is attempting to return home from India, accused Prime Minister Morrison of having blood on his hands over the controversial travel ban. He tweeted:

If our government cared for the safety of Aussies they would allow us to get home. It's a disgrace!

Blood on your hands PM. How dare you treat us like this.

The Hon. SHAOQUETT MOSELMANE (15:03:08): Yesterday the President read to the House a letter from the Australian Federal Police [AFP] concerning their investigation that has involved the execution of search warrants on my home and Parliament House office. Today I have some important information about those matters that I believe will be of interest to the House and to all honourable members. I take this opportunity to thank the Hon. Mark Latham for giving me his timeslot for this private member's statement. From the moment that the search was undertaken at my home, I was informed by numerous Federal agents of the Australian Federal Police that I was not a suspect or in any way a person of interest with respect to the commission of any crime whatsoever.

My legal representative who attended the search that morning from 7.00 a.m. until 1.00 a.m. the next day was assured by several of the Federal agents in attendance that I was not a suspect. Recently the Australian Federal Police have released copies of recordings of conversations that were undertaken when the searches were executed at my home and my parliamentary office. In one of the transcripts of a conversation between me and the Australian Federal agent, the following appears:

So, in relation to the third condition, the allegations—it's just stepped out. So, these are—as I said to you before, these aren't allegations directed at you as a suspect, okay? They are allegations that are relevant to the investigation. However, information known to the investigation would suggest that there is potentially information at this location relevant to the investigation, and relevant to these allegations. So the allegations, which again are not directed at you, relate to this particular provision of the Criminal Code. And I appreciate you may not be familiar with that, in particular.

There further appears the following comments from the Federal agent:

That's essentially the basic nature of the investigation, but … as I have reiterated to you a number of times, you are not considered a suspect in relation to this investigation.

There it is in black and white. At no time was I ever the subject of a warrant that asserts that I was an offender or a person of interest with respect to the commission of any crime whatsoever. The letter from the AFP's Assistant Commissioner Mr Lee that was read onto the record by the President yesterday in this House refers to investigation of offences, being breaches of sections 92.3 (1) and 92.3 (2) of the Commonwealth Criminal Code 1995. Insofar as those offences are concerned, I continue to assert that I am not the focus of the investigation or in breach of any law. Further, Mr Lee described the determination of the privilege claim by the New South Wales Parliament as considered and appropriate. Finally, I thank my colleagues for their warmth in welcoming me back into this Chamber.

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